Campaign Last Database of Pérez and Pachakutik, who promoted the "ideological null vote" as a sign of rejection of the electoral system and the alleged fraud against his candidacy in the first round. The invalid votes came mostly from the provinces where Pérez reached the highest Last Database number of votes5, and a post-election quantitative analysis confirms that around 60% of Pérez's votes in the first round became invalid in Last Database the second6. To understand this result, it is necessary to return to the.
Interpretive framework. The reasonable expectation was to suppose that the Last Database votes that went to Pérez in the first round would be distributed, in majority, between Arauz and the null vote in the second round. Saying Last Database that is not the same as saying that no one who had voted for Pérez was going to vote for Lasso: the conceptual model admitted that a good number of Pérez voters would vote for Lasso. It was quite probable, for example, that the voters of Pérez de la Sierra Centro would lean more towards Lasso and the null vote than towards Arauz. That is, in fact, the inertia of Last Database those territories in the last decade.
It is noteworthy that in the 2013-2017 comparison, that is, between Last Database Lasso's first and second participation as a presidential candidate, where his support grew the most was precisely in those indigenous territories. In 2021, Lasso fell back in all those provinces, but not because Correismo regained ground, but because Pérez was an Last Database electoral alternative. In the absence of Pérez on the ballot for the ballot, where would a good part of those votes go? The conceptual model allowed them to go to Lasso. But –we underline– the general trend assumed was that the votes Last Database went to Arauz or null, given what we know about the internal composition of Pérez's votes in the first round (more than a fifth of them came.